Will Algae Biofuels Hit the Highway?
An Arizona-based algae technology company says it’s on to something big: harnessing the growth of algae at a commercial scale so that it can ultimately be used as a transportation fuel. “Heliae” broke ground Friday on its new plant. Now, all it needs is an abundance of sunshine, water and carbon dioxide.
But while the ingredients to make algae may be simple, it is still an open question as to whether current pilot facilities can attract private investors that will enable the industry to gear up. Beyond the financial concerns, environmental worries persist. It can involve taking carbon emissions from power plants to grow the algae before converting it to something that would run cars, trucks and airplanes.
In a phone interview, Heliae’s Chief Executive Dan Simonexplained to this writer that the company’s ultimate goal is to produce transportation fuels. To get to that point, though, it will focus on near-term aims that are more attainable: chemicals, cosmetics and healthy foods. As it develops, the enterprise will then expand overseas and into the Asia Pacific region.
“We will never take our eyes off the transportation fuels,” says Simon. “But there are stepping stones to get us there. Production costs have to come down. Right now, the economics don’t work. It will be 5 to 10 years before all of this will affect the price at the pump.”
Simon continues, saying that “good science takes time” and that by first picking the “low hanging fruit” the company will drive revenues and efficiencies, and bring down production costs. Among the key goals the company is working towards: Ensuring that the process has a “positive energy impact,” meaning that it can’t take more energy to grow the algae than the amount of carbon dioxide that the algae would absorb.
Critics maintain that the recycling of carbon lends credence to the burning of fossil fuels and in the end, more carbon is emitted than is captured. The journal of Environmental Science and Technology, furthermore, looked two years ago at the life cycle of algae compared to other bio-fuels such as corn and switch-grass. It concluded that using conventional crops to create fuels will result in fewer greenhouse gas emissions and less water consumption than if algae is used to do the same thing.
The study also says that most of the carbon that is getting captured is coming from places other than power plants and oil refineries. That’s because there is not yet an effective way to bottle such releases from industrial sources.
Those findings, however, have been refuted by the Algae Biomass Association, which says that researchers have used outdated data that is tied to older production methods to draw their conclusions. To that end, the industry, which has kept its production processes proprietary, is now saying that it may be willing to share its newest information so that such students can better understand today’s technologies.
“If it cost you more energy to make it, then what is the point,” says Nick Donowitz, director of corporate development for Heliae. “Based on the work we’ve done, we are charging on a path toward an energy neutral or energy positive system.”
Algae, today, is a blip on the radar. But, tomorrow, it may become a full-scale blimp. According to Pike Research, it could be a 61 million barrels a year commodity with a market value of $1.3 billion by 2020. That’s a compound growth rate of 72 percent, it adds. To put that in context, 83 million barrels of oil are consumed each day around the world. Of that, the United States uses about 18 million a day.
“On paper, algae could displace worldwide petroleum use altogether, however, the industry has yet to produce a drop of oil for commercial production,” says Pike Research president Clint Wheelock. “Although the algae-based biofuels market will grow rapidly once key cost hurdles are overcome, widespread scale-up will be hampered by a number of difficult challenges including access to nutrients, water, and private capital.”
What would help the sector get there faster? Algae bio-fuels producers are asking U.S. lawmakers to treat their product the same way as they do other advanced bio-fuels such as cellulosic ethanol. That means including algae in the tax incentives given to advanced bio-fuels and in the Renewable Fuels Standard that sets alternative fuel targets. When the code was written, algae was a nascent concept that never wound up on anyone’s radar.
Legislation has just been introduced in the U.S. House to achieve just that. With such tax incentives, the industry says that production costs would come down. Those costs are now considered to be at least double that of petroleum-based fuels, although such figures can vary with location, technology and whether the algae plant can be located near existing power plants or oil refineries so as to capture their carbon emissions.
“The idea is to combine the principles of agriculture with the ability to generate a liquid transportation fuel so that we can offer a scalable, low-cost technology in the form of green crude that can be refined directly into gasoline, diesel and jet fuel,” says Tim Zenk, vice president of corporate affairs for San Diego-based Saphhire Energy, before an EnergyBiz audience.
What’s the oil industry think of all this? BP, Chevron Corp. and ExxonMobil all have investments in algae. The biggest, of course, is Exxon’s $600 million pledge to Synthetic Genomics. Algae is highly synergistic with the established oil and gas industries and it can be refined on the same site as is petroleum. For Big Oil to get involved means, generally, that it thinks the pursuit will eventually pay off.
That remains to be seen. But the added capital is a good sign. Algae still has a long way to go and it won’t likely ever become a panacea. But it is a quiver in the energy arsenal that could potentially replace some crude oil use, resulting in fewer emissions and better national energy security.
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NATO protests: how big were the crowds of demonstrators in Chicago?
Counting heads during a moving protest is an understandably tricky endeavour. Even so, it should be fairly easy to distinguish between a crowd of less than 2,000 people and one three or possibly four times as large.
Which is why some observers in Chicago are scratching their heads over the disparity between an official estimate of 1,800 to 2,200 demonstrators at yesterday’s anti-Nato rally, and a far bigger throng reported by those on the ground.
Overhead pictures do seem to suggest a larger number, although perhaps not as big as the 10,000 suggested by some.
The official estimate was carried – although admittedly sourced – by the New York Times, among other publications. It caused a wave of online protest typified by this online poster.
In a bid to get to the bottom of how the figures were reached, we reached out to both sides of the debate – and ended up none the wiser.
Chicago fire chief Kevin MacGregor confirmed that they were using the 1,800 to 2,200 figure. “I do not know how we got to the estimate – it just came to us from the police,” he said.
Rachael Perrotta of the Occupy Chicago movement suggested it was “definitely more than 2,000”. She said: “It stretched for block after block,” she said. None could explain the maths behind their guesswork.
The Guardian’s reporter on the scene, Adam Gabbatt reckons the true figure of yesterday’s march was “closer to 5,000 than 2,000”.
But being at eye-level is no advantage, as he freely admits: “I was in the thick of it, and there was no way of saying accurately how many people there were.”
Crowd estimators use a simple multiplier (area times density) to reach a figure. Herbert Jacobs, a journalism professor at Berkeley in the 1960s, derived a basic rule which has served as a guide since.
He worked out that a light crowd consists of one person per 10 square feet. A more densely packed gathering has an individual every 4.5 square feet, and a tight mob allows for no more than 2.5 square feet per person.
Let us know what you think about the estimates in the comments.
I’m sticking with the old method of a seasoned chronicler of protests: take the official estimate of the police, compare with the claim of the protesters, and go for somewhere in the middle.
That would put attendance at protests at somewhere between 3,500 and 6,000.
Estimates for Sunday’s march varied widely — police said about 2,200 participated. Organizers said 15,000. But either way, the number was far less than the 500,000 who marched through the streets of Chicago in 2006 to call for immigration reform or the tens of thousands organizers predicted would march when both the G-8 and NATO summits were to be held here.
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Silversun Pickups//Lazy Eye
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A Mission in Syria
In late March, an MSF team crossed the Turkish border into Syria in an effort to provide medical aid in the Idlib region. The two-person team was composed of a surgeon and an anesthesiologist. To evaluate needs, they also sought to observe the treatment that wounded patients were receiving.
Their first observation was that medical workers were so terrorized that they would offer only first aid in cases of extreme emergency. To treat broken bones, for example, they would simply use makeshift splints. In dealing with hemorrhage, they applied compression bandages even when they had access to technical resources enabling them to provide more appropriate and complete care.
“They told us that the risk was too high, the MSF surgeon explained. We were told that, ‘being caught with a patient is worse than being caught with a weapon.’ A Syrian colleague also told me that that meant death both for the patient and for him.”
Photo:Staff performing surgery in the Idlib area of Syria, while it was still possible to do so.
Syria 2012 © MSF
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Disabled protesters clash with police over welfare demands — La Paz, Bolivia
Scores of disabled people on crutches and in wheelchairs fought police in La Paz, Bolivia’s capital, over demands for better welfare support, injuring several and fuelling anger against the state.
A caravan of about 50 adults and children ended a 1,000-mile, 100-day trek through Bolivia at the protest near government offices in La Paz on Thursday. Scuffles broke out and pepper spray was used after the group were blocked by riot police, who stopped them reaching the legislature and presidential palace to petitioning MPs and the presidential palace for a tripling of the £91 monthly state subsidy for disabled people. The protesters tried to break through the lines using their crutches and wheelchairs but were forced back in a melee in which several people were injured and four detained. The protest organisers then declared a hunger strike by 10 adults and a round-the-clock vigil by the rest.
The clashes were another public relations PR fiasco for President Evo Morales, who has seen his once-huge popularity plunge amid protests from coca farmers, indigenous rights activists and environmentalists. Bolivia’s first indigenous leader swept to power in 2006 promising to ease poverty and inequality, and was hailed a saviour in his first few years. But marches on La Paz – notably one over a controversial Amazon road in October – illustrate the level of disenchantment.
The disabled protesters relied on charity on their journey to the highland capital from Beni, bordering Brazil, in November. As well as higher subsidies, they want greater efforts to integrate them into a society that makes little provision for those with physical or mental disabilities.
Domitila Franco, a wheelchair-user, said she struggled. “It’s very hard to be a person with a disability,” she said. “Even our own husbands abandon us because they feel ashamed of us. … I look after my four children alone, washing and ironing clothes for people.”
The protesters to end their trek at Plaza Murillo, the heart of government, having seen other marches do so. “Why not us?” Camilo Bianchi, a protest leader, asked local media. “It’s a public space.”
Carlos Romero, a government minister, told a press conference that opposition groups had infiltrated the march and it was necessary to block it. “There are other groups trying to politicise this, trying to create a climate of disorder and confrontation,” he said. “Our obligation is to secure Plaza Murillo.”
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/feb/24/disabled-protesters-clash-police-bolivia?newsfeed=true
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Thousands of Israelis march outside the old city of Jerusalem on May 20, 2012, as they celebrate Jerusalem Day when Israel illegally annexed East Jerusalem — the Arab sector — in 1967. Israeli police arrested several Palestinian demonstrators (bottom) throughout the day. (Getty Images)
From +972:
Jerusalem Day is not a celebration of a unified city, but rather a show of Israeli power, a reminder for the Palestinians that Jerusalem is an occupied city where non-Jewish residents don’t count.
Every year, Jerusalem Day brings a depressing shadow over East Jerusalem. While Israelis celebrate the “liberation” of the city, Palestinians mourn the beginning of a long journey of oppression and occupation. On Jerusalem Day, tens of thousands of Israelis right-wing activists are allowed to parade in the streets, Palestinians are told close their shops, remain in their homes and not bother the celebration.
Every year’s celebration of Jerusalem Day is full of provocation and attacks on the local Palestinian population. In this video, you can see an example of what happens. First comes the famous slogan “Mavet Le’Aravim” (Death to Arabs), then physical attacks such as stone throwing. The police often tries to calm things down but Palestinians are often arrested even if beaten by the extremist marchers.
Related: “Death to Mohammad” — Watch: Jerusalem Day’s (2011) racist march, escorted by police
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In the matter of two days, Manny Pacquiao has managed to alienate himself from significant parts of his fan base by stating some rather eyebrow-raising opinions about queer men and same-sex marriage. Firstly, he criticized President Obama’s beliefs about same-sex marriage. Next, it’s now been reported by the LA Weekly that he believes queer men should be put to death.
The responses I’ve seen have gone along the lines of “Pacquiao should just stick to boxing and keep his nose out of other people’s business–particularly if his own marriage could use some work.” Honestly though, it feels a little too easy to put Pacquiao on the whipping stand. It feels like this is a golden opportunity for Filipino and Filipino American LGBTs to expose the homophobia, transphobia and sexism that is in our cultures and educate our communities.
For many Filipinos and Filipino Americans, it’s easy to box us LGBTs into neat little boxes that go along the stereotypes: the effeminate male hairdressers, the butch women who insist on being called “pare” (or brother), etc. I struggled with my sexual identity within this cultural context. I wasn’t fem enough for my family to be comfortable with my sexual identity; I had no desires to be a hairdresser either. At the same time, I bristled against the homophobic, transphobic and heterosexist ramblings done by my male relatives whenever queer men were seen on popular Filipino TV shows and movies. Queer men and women in Filipino TV shows and movies are often seen as predatory, incapable of maintaining healthy relationships with their partners, and are just used for comic relief. Very few representations exist where we are seen through a more human lens.
When I was coming out 20 years ago, I thought that there really was no one like me, Filipino American, queer and comfortable with my masculinity. I often thought of suicide growing up because I didn’t want to burden my family with the stigma of me being gay; never mind that I’m one of the more successful people in my generation now.
Partly because of that reason, this feels like it’s an opportunity for my fellow Filipino and Filipino American LGBTs to not only put Pacquiao to task–but our cultures as well. We have to stop turning the other way when we see homophobic, transphobic and heterosexist representations of ourselves in the media. We need to start showing our side of the story; how we’ve struggled to fight through these stereotypes and be who we are, and proud of who we are.
Yes, what Pacquiao said is extremely fucked up. But his opinions are the product of a culture that promotes this homophobia and transphobia. We need to educate ourselves and those in our community that this is something that will no longer be tolerated.
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Sucré//Hiding Out
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Not sure that I’ve ever been so honored to introduce someone as I am right now.
Gac Filipaj is a refugee from the former Yugoslavia. For the past twelve years, he has worked as a janitor for Columbia University. His job title is “Heavy Cleaner,” which includes emptying the trash and cleaning the toilets.
During this time, he worked until 11pm every night during the week. After his shift concluded, he would start studying. This weekend, after twelve years of study, Gac graduated from Columbia University with a Classics degree. Rarely have so many qualities I admire been wrapped up in a single person.
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Thousands of women - ordinary mothers, grandmothers, aunts and daughters, both Christian and Muslim - came together to pray for peace and then staged a silent protest outside of the Presidential Palace.
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“The Gentlemen of Bacongo” is a book Released in 2009, by Photographer Daniele Tamagni. The book features a subculture in the Congo where men express their creativity through their clothing. They are part of a cultural movement called Le Sape “a clique of extraordinarily dressed dandies from the Congo. Despite years war and abject poverty, these men dress in tailored suits, silk ties, and immaculate footwear
This is Africa, our Africa
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Maurice Sendak, widely considered the most important children’s book artist of the 20th century, author of Splendid Nightmares, Where the Wild Things Are, In the Night Kitchen died at 83. RIP Maurice.
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“A three second exposure meant that subjects had to stand very still to avoid being blurred, and holding a smile for that period was tricky. As a result, we have a tendency to see our Victorian ancestors as even more formal and stern than they might have been.”
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